Category: Uncategorized

Population: approximately 90,000 individuals in Mexico (INEGI 2020)

Territory: Southern highlands of Chiapas, near the Mexico–Guatemala border; mountainous terrain and river valleys

Language: Q’eqchi’ (Mayan family)

Main Symbols: Quetzal, Jaguar, Maize, Cacao, Caves, Rivers, Feathered Spirits

The Kekchí (Q’eqchi’) people inhabit the southern highlands along the Mexico–Guatemala border, occupying mountainous terrain, fertile valleys, and river systems that support both agriculture and spiritual life. Their communities in Chiapas represent the northernmost extension of a culture that extends deeply into Guatemala, maintaining continuous settlement patterns and cultural continuity for centuries. Kekchí cosmology is closely tied to the landscape: mountains, caves, and rivers are considered sacred, and humans exist in a reciprocal relationship with both animal and plant life.

In Kekchí belief, the quetzal bird and jaguar hold central spiritual significance. The quetzal represents freedom, beauty, and connection to the celestial realm, while the jaguar embodies strength, protection, and the underworld. Maize is the core sustenance plant, symbolizing life, growth, and communal prosperity, and cacao is both food and sacred offering, used in ritual exchanges and ceremonies. Spiritual practice emphasizes interactions with feathered spirits and ancestral beings inhabiting rivers, caves, and mountains, guiding agricultural cycles, hunting, and ritual events.

Material culture reflects adaptation to highland and riverine environments. Traditional dwellings are built from adobe, cane, and thatched roofs, designed to withstand rainfall and mountain winds. Agricultural terraces cultivate maize, beans, squash, and cacao, complemented by wild plant gathering. Hunting provides meat, while river fishing supplements the diet. Ceremonial objects include cacao vessels, feathered headdresses, woven mats, and ritual figurines symbolizing animals and spirits. Textile weaving, embroidery, and ceremonial ornamentation encode cosmological symbols, linking everyday life to sacred knowledge.

Ecologically, the Kekchí inhabit a Southern Highland Bioregion, marked by cloud forests, pine-oak woodlands, river valleys, and caves. Flora includes cacao, maize, beans, squash, pine, oak, medicinal herbs, and edible wild plants. Healers and ritual specialists use local plants such as epazote, hierba mora, and native orchids for medicine, ritual fumigation, and spiritual cleansing. Fauna includes quetzals, jaguars, pumas, armadillos, deer, and numerous birds and reptiles, all integrated into symbolic, ritual, and ethical frameworks. Rivers and caves are both practical water sources and sacred portals in Kekchí cosmology.

Intangible heritage encompasses language, oral traditions, ritual, music, and festivals. The Q’eqchi’ language encodes ecological knowledge, myth, and cosmology. Oral narratives describe the creation of rivers, mountains, caves, and animal guardians, teaching respect, reciprocity, and ecological balance. Rituals include offerings of cacao, maize, and flowers at sacred sites, dances honoring animal spirits, and ceremonies marking planting and harvest cycles. The integration of ecological knowledge with spiritual practice reinforces sustainable relationships with the landscape and its resources.

Today, the Kekchí in Mexico face pressures from land disputes, modernization, deforestation, and migration, but cultural resilience is strong. Initiatives by the Instituto Nacional de los Pueblos Indígenas (INPI), local councils, and NGOs focus on language preservation, ecological conservation, and ritual continuity. The Kekchí exemplify a living culture whose wisdom and practices are inseparable from the rivers, forests, and sacred mountains of the southern highlands.

The Kekchí people embody a philosophy of interconnectedness: humans, animals, plants, mountains, rivers, and spirits exist as part of a single sacred system. Their material and immaterial heritage continues to provide insights into sustainable living, spiritual continuity, and the deep knowledge of the highland ecosystems along the Mexico–Guatemala border.

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Bibliography (APA Style)

• Instituto Nacional de los Pueblos Indígenas (INPI). (n.d.). Kekchí – Etnografía y cultura. Atlas de los Pueblos Indígenas de México. https://atlas.inpi.gob.mx/kekchi-etnografia/
• INEGI. (2020). Población indígena por lengua hablada. https://www.inegi.org.mx/temas/lenguasindigenas/
• Tozzer, A. M. (1907). A Comparative Study of the Maya and Q’eqchi’ Cultures. Harvard University Press.
• PueblosIndígenas.es. (n.d.). Kekchí: language, territory, and cultural heritage. https://pueblosindigenas.es/de-mexico/kekchi/

Population: approximately 45,000 individuals (INEGI 2020)

Territory: Chiapas highlands, mainly in the municipalities of Jacaltenango and surrounding areas

Language: Jacalteco (Mayan family, also called Jakalteko)

Main Symbols: Jaguar, Turkey, Maize, Beans, Sacred Hills, Caves, Mountain Crosses

The Jacalteco, or Jakalteko people, inhabit the mountainous highlands of Chiapas, an area of steep valleys, fertile terraces, and sacred hills. Their communities, centered in Jacaltenango and nearby settlements, are historically connected to the broader Mayan civilization yet have preserved distinctive cultural and ecological practices. Archaeological and linguistic evidence shows the Jacalteco have maintained a continuous presence in these highlands for centuries, developing a worldview that integrates humans, animals, crops, and sacred landscapes into a cohesive system of knowledge and practice.

Jacalteco cosmology places particular emphasis on jaguars and turkeys, which are considered powerful spiritual allies. The jaguar embodies strength, protection, and the link between the terrestrial and spiritual realms, while the turkey symbolizes fertility, abundance, and vigilance. Maize and beans are central life plants, sustaining both nutrition and ritual symbolism. Sacred hills, caves, and mountain crosses serve as sites for pilgrimage, ritual offerings, and communal ceremonies, marking the spiritual geography that guides human action and seasonal cycles.

Material culture demonstrates adaptation to mountainous terrain. Houses are typically constructed with adobe walls and tile or thatched roofs, designed to withstand seasonal rainfall and the rugged topography. Terraced agriculture allows for the cultivation of maize, beans, and squash on steep slopes, complemented by small-scale livestock and wild plant gathering. Tools and ceremonial objects are crafted from wood, stone, and natural fibers, while textiles and embroidery reflect both aesthetic values and spiritual motifs related to animals, maize, and sacred landscapes.

The Jacalteco inhabit a Chiapas Highland Bioregion, characterized by pine-oak forests, cloud forest patches, rivers, and caves. Flora includes pine, oak, maguey, and edible and medicinal plants used in health and ritual practice, such as arnica, hierba buena, and wild herbs for teas, poultices, and incense. Fauna is rich and diverse, featuring jaguars, pumas, armadillos, turkeys, deer, and numerous bird species, each integrated into myth, ritual, and ecological knowledge. Springs, rivers, and streams provide essential water resources, supporting both human and wildlife communities.

Intangible heritage includes language, oral history, music, dance, and ceremonial practice. The Jacalteco language, a Mayan tongue, encodes detailed knowledge of the highland ecosystem, seasonal changes, and ritual obligations. Myths recount the origins of sacred hills, caves, and mountain guardians, emphasizing reciprocity with the land, animals, and spirits. Ceremonies align with planting and harvest cycles, while sacred crosses and ritual offerings mark communal ethical obligations toward the environment.

Today, the Jacalteco maintain their cultural identity despite pressures from modernization, migration, and environmental change. The Instituto Nacional de los Pueblos Indígenas (INPI), local organizations, and NGOs support language revitalization, cultural preservation, and ecological stewardship. The Jacalteco illustrate a culture of resilience, where spiritual practice, agricultural knowledge, and ecological awareness are intertwined to sustain community life and respect for the sacred landscape.

The Jacalteco people exemplify a philosophy of interconnectedness: humans, animals, plants, hills, caves, and spiritual forces are part of a unified system of care, respect, and knowledge. Their traditions, rituals, ecological practices, and material culture continue to provide insights into sustainable living and the preservation of highland ecosystems.

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Bibliography (APA Style)

• Instituto Nacional de los Pueblos Indígenas (INPI). (n.d.). Jacalteco – Etnografía y cultura. Atlas de los Pueblos Indígenas de México. https://atlas.inpi.gob.mx/jacalteco-etnografia/
• INEGI. (2020). Población indígena por lengua hablada. https://www.inegi.org.mx/temas/lenguasindigenas/
• Coe, M. D., & Houston, S. (2015). The Maya. Thames & Hudson.
• PueblosIndígenas.es. (n.d.). Jacalteco: language, territory, and cultural heritage. https://pueblosindigenas.es/de-mexico/jacalteco/

Population: approximately 500–600 individuals (INEGI 2020)

Territory: Northern Oaxaca highlands, mainly in San Juan Bautista Valle Nacional and surrounding villages

Language: Ixcatec (Mixtecan family, severely endangered)

Main Symbols: Armadillo, Quail, Maize, Maguey, Mountains, Springs, Weaving

The Ixcatec people inhabit the highlands of northern Oaxaca, in the rugged Sierra Mixe and surrounding valleys. Their small communities, concentrated in San Juan Bautista Valle Nacional and nearby settlements, are some of the most endangered Indigenous populations in Mexico. Archaeological and ethnographic evidence indicates the Ixcatec have resided in these highlands for centuries, preserving a distinct linguistic, spiritual, and ecological identity despite pressures from neighboring cultures and modern influences.

Ixcatec cosmology emphasizes harmony with mountains, springs, and flowing water. The armadillo and quail are sacred animals, representing protection, vigilance, and abundance. The Ixcatec view these animals as companions and messengers in ritual and daily life, linking human actions to ecological balance. Maize is the central life plant, symbolizing sustenance, fertility, and continuity of the community, while maguey supports both practical and ritual needs, including food, fiber, and ceremonial use. Weaving is not only a practical craft but also a symbolic act, connecting threads of time, lineage, and the cycles of nature.

Material culture reflects adaptation to highland life. Homes are traditionally built with adobe and wooden frames, often thatched with local fibers. Tools and implements for agriculture, cooking, and craft are crafted from stone, wood, and maguey fiber. Terraced fields and small plots are used to grow maize, beans, and squash, while wild plants and local fruits supplement the diet. Ritual objects, textiles, and woven mats serve ceremonial purposes, often decorated with symbols of sacred mountains, water, and animals. Hunting and gathering supplement agricultural production, with the quail and armadillo featuring in seasonal ceremonies and diet.

Ecologically, the Ixcatec inhabit a Northern Oaxaca Highland Bioregion, characterized by pine-oak forests, river valleys, freshwater springs, and mountainous terrain. Key flora includes maguey, maize, beans, squash, wild herbs, and medicinal plants such as epazote, hierba del sapo, and local aromatic plants used in healing rituals. Fauna includes armadillos, quail, deer, coyotes, foxes, and a variety of bird species, each integrated into the community’s symbolic and practical life. Springs and rivers provide critical water resources, shaping settlement patterns, agricultural cycles, and ritual activities. The Ixcatec maintain deep ecological knowledge, including plant phenology, animal behavior, and water management techniques.

Intangible heritage is expressed through language, oral traditions, music, weaving, and ritual practice. Ixcatec narratives describe the creation of the mountains, springs, and human relations with animals and crops, teaching ethical principles of respect, reciprocity, and careful stewardship of natural resources. Rituals, often led by elders, include offerings to mountains and water sources, celebrating planting and harvest seasons, and honoring animal messengers. Weaving is both practical and spiritual, transmitting cosmology, ancestral memory, and temporal cycles through patterns and colors.

Today, the Ixcatec are critically endangered as a cultural group, with language and traditions at risk. Efforts by the Instituto Nacional de los Pueblos Indígenas (INPI), academic institutions, and local communities aim to revitalize the language, protect ecological knowledge, and maintain traditional rituals and weaving practices. Their continued presence in the highlands is a testimony to resilience, the value of ecological harmony, and the transmission of Indigenous knowledge across generations.

The Ixcatec exemplify a philosophy of interconnection: humans, animals, plants, mountains, and water are part of an ethical, spiritual, and ecological order. Their material and immaterial heritage continues to offer insights into sustainable living, spiritual continuity, and the deep knowledge of Mexico’s northern Oaxaca highlands.

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Bibliography (APA Style)

• Instituto Nacional de los Pueblos Indígenas (INPI). (n.d.). Ixcatec – Etnografía y cultura. Atlas de los Pueblos Indígenas de México. https://atlas.inpi.gob.mx/ixcatec-etnografia/
• INEGI. (2020). Población indígena por lengua hablada. https://www.inegi.org.mx/temas/lenguasindigenas/
• Fernández, M. (2018). Highland Indigenous Peoples of Oaxaca: Ecology and Tradition. Oaxaca University Press.
• PueblosIndígenas.es. (n.d.). Ixcatec: language, territory, and cultural heritage. https://pueblosindigenas.es/de-mexico/ixcatec/

Population: approximately 35,000–40,000 individuals (INEGI 2020)

Territory: Sierra Madre Occidental, primarily in Jalisco, Nayarit, Durango, and Zacatecas

Language: Wixárika (Uto-Aztecan family)

Main Symbols: Deer, Peyote, Maize, Fire, Eagle, Nierika (visionary eye)

The Huichol, or Wixárika people, inhabit the rugged highlands of the Sierra Madre Occidental, a region of steep mountains, deep canyons, rivers, and pine-oak forests spanning Jalisco, Nayarit, Durango, and Zacatecas. Their presence in these highlands predates European contact, and archaeological, linguistic, and ethnographic evidence suggests continuous habitation for centuries, maintaining a rich spiritual and ecological knowledge. The Huichol worldview is deeply integrated with their environment, where every mountain, spring, and canyon holds sacred significance.

Huichol cosmology centers on the sacred deer (kuka) and peyote (hikuri), which together guide rituals, visions, and ethical life. The deer is seen as a messenger between humans and the divine, representing fertility, abundance, and spiritual connection. Peyote, consumed in ceremonial pilgrimages to sacred sites like Wirikuta, the desert of San Luis Potosí, is central to their visionary practices, enabling communication with ancestors and gods. Maize is considered the life-giving plant, sustaining both body and ritual practice. Other symbols include fire as a purifier and transformer, the eagle as a spiritual messenger, and the nierika, a painted or beaded vision board that embodies the cosmic eye and acts as a portal between the human and spiritual worlds.

Material culture reflects a sophisticated adaptation to mountainous environments. Traditional dwellings, known as taikiri, are simple wood and thatch structures that blend into forested slopes. Artisanal crafts are world-renowned: elaborate beadwork, yarn paintings, embroidered clothing, and ceremonial objects like peyote bowls, deerskin drums, and ritual arrows. Agricultural practices focus on maize, beans, and squash, often cultivated in terraces on mountain slopes, complemented by wild foraging of medicinal herbs, wild fruits, and cactus species. Hunting and small-scale livestock provide additional food sources, while seasonal pilgrimages maintain spiritual and ecological harmony.

The ecological environment of the Huichol is extremely biodiverse. The Sierra Madre Occidental hosts pine, oak, cedar, and juniper forests, cloud forest pockets, and riverine ecosystems. Flora includes medicinal plants such as arnica, epazote, salvia, and peyote, used in healing and ritual practices. Fauna includes white-tailed deer, pumas, coyotes, armadillos, and a variety of bird species including eagles and hawks, each with spiritual significance. Rivers and springs provide critical water sources, and the high-altitude valleys are vital for ritual pilgrimages. The Huichol maintain deep ecological knowledge, understanding seasonal cycles, plant phenology, and animal behavior, which are integrated into both subsistence and spiritual practices.

Intangible cultural heritage includes oral histories, ceremonial songs, dances, and mythic narratives that link humans to the spiritual world and the Sierra itself. Nierikas and other visual symbols transmit cosmological knowledge across generations. Pilgrimages, especially to Wirikuta, involve multi-day journeys on foot, singing ritual chants, making offerings, and collecting peyote. Such journeys are both spiritual and ecological, reinforcing ethical relationships with plants, animals, and sacred landscapes. The Huichol language is central to ritual practice, containing extensive vocabulary related to plants, animals, mountains, and spiritual concepts.

Today, the Huichol continue to face pressures from modernization, migration, mining, and climate change, yet they actively preserve their cultural identity. Institutions like the Instituto Nacional de los Pueblos Indígenas (INPI), NGOs, and community programs support language preservation, ecological stewardship, and ceremonial continuity. The Huichol exemplify a living culture whose survival depends on the integration of spiritual practice, environmental knowledge, and social cohesion.

The Huichol people embody a philosophy of interconnectedness: humans, plants, animals, mountains, and cosmos are part of a single sacred order. Their rituals, symbols, art, and ecological knowledge remain a testament to the resilience and depth of Indigenous wisdom in the Sierra Madre Occidental.

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Bibliography (APA Style)

• Instituto Nacional de los Pueblos Indígenas (INPI). (n.d.). Huichol – Etnografía y cultura. Atlas de los Pueblos Indígenas de México. https://atlas.inpi.gob.mx/huichol-etnografia/
• Brandes, S. (1998). Huichol religion: A study of symbolic communication. University of Arizona Press.
• Weigand, P. (1982). The Huichol: Hunters and Gatherers of the Sierra Madre Occidental. University of Oklahoma Press.
• INEGI. (2020). Población indígena por lengua hablada. https://www.inegi.org.mx/temas/lenguasindigenas/

Population: approximately 18,000 individuals (INEGI 2020)

Territory: Isthmus of Tehuantepec, Oaxaca; coastal villages and lagoons including San Mateo del Mar, San Dionisio del Mar, and Santa María del Mar

Language: Huave (Ikoots), with four dialectal variants corresponding to the main communities

Main Symbols: Sea, wind, turtles, fish, mangroves, woven mats, maize

The Huave, or Ikoots, are an Indigenous people of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, Oaxaca, whose territory is defined by coastal lagoons, estuarine wetlands, and the Pacific shore. Their communities, including San Mateo del Mar, San Dionisio del Mar, Santa María del Mar, and other lagoon settlements, are intricately connected to waterways that sustain both material and spiritual life. Archaeological evidence indicates that the Huave have inhabited this coastal region for millennia, maintaining a unique cultural identity centered on fishing, small-scale agriculture, and the stewardship of mangrove and lagoon ecosystems.

Huave cosmology emphasizes the dynamic interaction between wind, water, and land. The sea and lagoon waters are inhabited by spirits, and turtles and fish are sacred animals symbolizing abundance, resilience, and continuity. Woven mats, crafted from local reeds and fibers, embody the presence of lagoon spirits and serve as sacred objects during ceremonies and communal gatherings. Ritual specialists, often elders of the community, conduct offerings and dances to honor the wind, sea, and rain, ensuring safe fishing, good harvests, and the protection of the delicate estuarine ecosystems.

Material culture reflects the intimate relationship between the Huave and their environment. Houses are traditionally constructed on stilts along the shore, with thatched roofs and wooden frames to withstand flooding and coastal winds. Fishing tools such as nets, hooks, and dugout canoes are crafted with local wood and fibers. Agriculture is based on maize and other crops adapted to sandy soils and small fertile patches near the lagoons. Seasonal harvests of shellfish, fish, and crabs provide dietary staples, while fruits from coastal forests supplement nutrition. Textiles and mats woven from reeds are central to ceremonial and domestic life, symbolizing both the ecological resources and spiritual values of the community.

Ecologically, the Huave inhabit the Isthmus Lagoon Bioregion, characterized by mangroves, brackish and freshwater wetlands, estuarine lagoons, coastal dunes, and tropical dry forest patches. Mangrove species such as red (Rhizophora mangle) and black mangrove (Avicennia germinans) dominate, providing habitat for crabs, fish, birds, and small mammals. The lagoons are home to turtles, tilapia, catfish, and other aquatic species critical to Huave subsistence. Terrestrial plants include maize, beans, squash, and local fruit trees, alongside medicinal herbs used by healers: mangrove bark for inflammation, reed poultices for wounds, and coastal plants for digestive and respiratory ailments. Birds, including herons, egrets, and pelicans, are considered spiritual messengers and are featured in oral narratives.

Intangible heritage is expressed through language, ritual, oral history, music, and weaving. The Huave language (Ikoots) is unique, with distinct dialects corresponding to each lagoon community. Oral narratives describe the creation of the lagoons, the behavior of fish and turtles, and ethical principles of reciprocity with water, land, and animal life. Ceremonial dances and songs mark fishing seasons, agricultural cycles, and key social events. The Huave also maintain traditional weaving and mat-making practices, which serve both practical and spiritual functions.

Despite modern pressures, including climate change, overfishing, industrial development, and linguistic shift, the Huave continue to maintain a cohesive cultural identity. Initiatives by the Instituto Nacional de los Pueblos Indígenas (INPI), local community organizations, and NGOs focus on language revitalization, sustainable fishing practices, and preservation of traditional ecological knowledge. The Huave exemplify a living culture whose survival and wisdom are intimately tied to the lagoons, the sea, and the winds that shape their world.

Bibliography (APA Style)

• Instituto Nacional de los Pueblos Indígenas (INPI). (n.d.). Huave – Etnografía y cultura del Istmo de Tehuantepec. Atlas de los Pueblos Indígenas de México. https://atlas.inpi.gob.mx/huave-etnografia/
• INEGI. (2020). Población indígena por lengua hablada. https://www.inegi.org.mx/temas/lenguasindigenas/
• PueblosIndígenas.es. (n.d.). Huave: language, territory, and cultural heritage. https://pueblosindigenas.es/de-mexico/huave/
• Redalyc. (n.d.). Preservation of Huave language and traditions in coastal communities. https://www.redalyc.org/

Population: approximately 23,500 individuals (INEGI 2020)

Territory: Sierra del Nayar, spanning Nayarit and Jalisco

Language: Naáyari, Uto-Aztecan family

Main Symbols: Deer, Eagle, Maize, Beans, Sacred Mountains, Peyote

The Cora people, who call themselves naáyarite, inhabit the rugged Sierra del Nayar, a region extending across the states of Nayarit and Jalisco. Their communities include Santa Teresa, Santa Cruz Guayabel, Huaynamota, and El Rincón, among others. The Naáyari language, part of the Uto-Aztecan family, is still spoken by most Cora, though its transmission is under pressure due to Spanish influence and migration. Their culture is deeply intertwined with the mountainous terrain, reflecting a philosophy of ecological reciprocity and spiritual connection to the land.

Cora cosmology centers on the duality of sky and earth, life and sustenance. Deer (maxa) and eagle (tzii) are sacred animals and spiritual messengers, symbolizing abundance, agility, and vision. These creatures guide the Cora in their ceremonial practices, including agricultural rites, community celebrations, and peyote (hikuri) ceremonies, which connect humans to the divine and the forces of nature. Maize and beans are not only dietary staples but also sacred elements representing fertility, continuity, and the generosity of the earth.

Sacred mountains, such as the Cerro de la Virgen, are central in Cora spirituality. These high places are believed to house ancestral and divine spirits, serving as sites of pilgrimage, offerings, and rituals. Peyote, central to their spiritual practices, is used in visionary ceremonies to maintain balance between humans and the natural world. Catholic traditions have blended with indigenous beliefs, resulting in syncretic rituals in which patron saints and ancestral spirits coexist, marking the annual cycles of planting, harvest, rain, and fertility.

The material culture of the Cora demonstrates careful adaptation to their mountainous environment. Homes are built with local wood, adobe, and palm thatch, often designed to withstand rainfall and rugged terrain. Traditional clothing is richly embroidered with motifs of deer, maize, and mountains, reflecting both aesthetic and spiritual values. Agriculture follows sustainable patterns; maize, beans, squash, and other crops are cultivated in terraces or plots that respect soil fertility and forest cycles. Fruits such as avocado, mango, and mamey supplement the diet, while hunting and gathering provide additional sustenance. Ceremonial feasts integrate these elements, reinforcing the sacred connection between people and the landscape.

Ecologically, the Sierra del Nayar is a mosaic of pine-oak forests, cloud forests, and dry tropical zones. Towering cedars, mahogany, laurel, wild figs, and palms dominate the terrain, while epiphytes, orchids, and bromeliads enrich the forest understory. Animals include white-tailed deer, peccary, opossums, armadillos, jaguars, pumas, and a variety of bird species, including the revered eagle. Rivers, streams, and springs provide critical water resources for humans and wildlife, and medicinal plants such as hierba santa, epazote, árnica, and copal are used in healing and purification rituals. The Cora maintain profound botanical knowledge, linking health, spirituality, and ecology into a cohesive framework of living wisdom.

Today, the Cora continue to preserve their cultural and ecological heritage despite pressures from modernization, migration, and language shift. Initiatives by the Instituto Nacional de los Pueblos Indígenas (INPI), local NGOs, and community programs focus on revitalizing Naáyari, safeguarding rituals, and protecting the Sierra’s biodiversity. The Cora exemplify how humans can live in harmony with mountainous ecosystems, maintaining social cohesion and ecological knowledge through centuries of adaptation and reverence.

The Cora people represent not only a living Indigenous culture but also a philosophy of coexistence: between humans and sacred animals, sky and earth, maize and mountain, spiritual vision and ecological stewardship. Their legacy continues to inform bioregional understanding and cultural resilience in Mexico’s highlands.

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Bibliography (APA Style)

• Instituto Nacional de los Pueblos Indígenas. (n.d.). Cora – Sierra de Nayarit. Atlas de los Pueblos Indígenas de México. https://atlas.inpi.gob.mx/cora-sierra-de-nayarit/
• Huaynamota. (2025). Cora Culture and Traditions. Retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Huaynamota
• Wikipedia Contributors. (2025). Cora people. Retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cora_people
• PueblosIndígenas.es. (n.d.). Cora: language, territory, and heritage. https://pueblosindigenas.es/de-mexico/cora/

Population: approximately 60,255 speakers of the Chontal Maya (Yokotʼan) language in Tabasco (INEGI 2020) 

Territory: Lowland tropical rainforest, mangroves, waterways, swamps, and floodplains in municipalities of Centla, Centro, Jonuta, Macuspana, Nacajuca, Jalpa de Méndez in Tabasco 

Language: Yokotʼan (Chontal Maya), four dialectal variants (Central/Nacajuca, Northern/Centla, Southern/Macuspana, Eastern/Tamulté) 

Main Symbols / Cultural Markers: Rivers and water bodies; mangroves; maize; cacao; patron saints; “Dueños de la naturaleza” (owners of rivers, forests, bees, land, animals); traditional dress; ancestral identity as “yoko yinikob / yoko ixikob” (true men / true women) speaking “la lengua verdadera” 

The Yokotʼan people, more widely known as the Chontal Maya of Tabasco, inhabit a landscape where rivers, mangroves, wetlands, and tropical forests intertwine in a dynamic ecology that has shaped their culture since long before Spanish arrival. Their territory, often called La Chontalpa, encompasses the municipalities of Nacajuca, Centla, Macuspana, Jonuta, Centro, and Jalpa de Méndez. This region is characterized by a network of waterways—rivers like the Grijalva and Usumacinta, distributaries, floodplains, lagoons, mangrove swamps, and humid tropical forest. It is in these watery ecotones that the Yokotʼan have lived, moving with the floods, cultivating on periodically drained lands, fishing, and harvesting forest and aquatic resources. The people refer to themselves as yoko yinikob (true men) or yoko ixikob (true women) and call their tongue yoko tʼaan, “the true language,” a Maya-Cholan tongue with several dialects. Over recent decades, Yokotʼan remains one of the most spoken indigenous languages in Tabasco, but it faces pressures from Spanish, urbanization, environmental changes, and loss of traditional ways. The Yokotʼan have retained subsistence agriculture (especially maize and cacao), artisanal fishing, hunting, craftwork, and river commerce, although oil industry activities and large-scale land use (cattle ranching, logging) have altered landscape and society.

In their cosmology, water is sacred. Rivers, lagoons, and the marshes are inhabited by spiritual entities called Dueños de la naturaleza (Owners of Nature), such as Yum pa’ (owner of rivers and lagoons), Yum tee (owner of forests), Yum chab (owner of bees), Yum ka’ (owner of land, plants, animals). These entities are both respected and feared, believed to provide or withhold blessings depending on human behavior. Catholicism is deeply intertwined: each village has a patron saint whose feast day involves festivities, dancing, offerings, and ritual observances that often overlay, adapt, or blend with pre-Hispanic beliefs, especially those tied to the cycles of rains, floods, harvests, and fertility. Traditional ceremonies include offerings at riverbanks, prayers for rains, and gratitude for harvests. Songs, oral narrative, and ceremonial music accompany festivals, preserving mythic stories of origin, ancestral migrations, and moral tales about reciprocity with the environment.

Material culture among the Yokotʼan reflects their intimate dependence on water and forest. Houses are built with woods suited to humid climates, elevated or adapted to flood-prone ground; roofs made of palm thatch; clothing decorated with embroidery of flowers and animals; traditional arts include weaving, carving, use of natural dyes. Agriculture is done in plots that take into account annual inundation—when waters recede or flood, new soils form, new plants grow. Maize, cacao, bananas, plátano, and vegetables are grown, while fishing, hunting of small forest mammals, and gathering of fruits, honey, and medicinal plants supplement the diet. Traditional dishes include fish, freshwater turtles, pozol (a drink of maize and cacao), vegetales locales; crafts and garments continue to reflect ancestral motifs.

The ecological environment of the Chontal Maya is extraordinarily biodiverse. The region supports myriad species of flora: trees such as cedar, mahogany, laurel, palo tinto, hule, wild figs, palms, mangroves; understory plants, vines, epiphytes in forested zones; aquatic plants and reeds in marshes; riparian vegetation. Fauna includes mammals like peccary, tapir, deer, monkeys (saraguatos), raccoons, opossums; reptiles and amphibians; birds in abundance; aquatic species in rivers, lagoons, mangroves. The Yokotʼan healers use many medicinal plants: infusions and poultices from leaves, barks, roots for fevers, skin ailments, digestive issues; beehive products (honey, wax) have ceremonial and healing uses. Birds play also an important role: as omens, in folk taxonomy, as indicators of seasonal change and environmental health. Elder generations retain knowledge of many bird names, their calls, behaviors; youth are losing some of this knowledge.

Today the Chontal de Tabasco culture is resilient but under pressure. Economic forces—oil extraction, large scale agriculture, logging—as well as environmental degradation (pollution, alteration of waterways, drainage of wetlands), and social change threaten linguistic and ecological continuity. Schools are bilingual in some zones, but Spanish is dominant among youth. Communities still practice traditional dress, festivals, languages, and diet. Institutions like Instituto Nacional de los Pueblos Indígenas (INPI), regional NGOs, universities, and local community groups are working on language preservation, documentation, cultural revitalization, ecological conservation.

The Yokotʼan are not only a living Maya people but exemplars of how humans can adapt to, shape, and respect ecosystems of water, forest, and flood. Their stories, language, materials, rituals are archives of knowledge about life in tropical wet zones that modern society often undervalues.

Bibliography (APA Style)

Comisión Nacional para el Desarrollo de los Pueblos Indígenas (INPI). (n.d.). Chontales de Tabasco – Etnografía. Atlas de los Pueblos Indígenas de México. https://atlas.inpi.gob.mx/chontales-de-tabasco-etnografia/ 

Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía (INEGI). (2020). Lenguas indígenas y hablantes de 3 años y más [Chontal Maya / Yokotʼan data]. 

Arqueología Mexicana. (n.d.). Chontal de Tabasco. Lenguas indígenas; peligros de extinción. 

Redalyc. (n.d.). Preservación de la lengua Chontal en jóvenes de Tamulté de las Sabanas en Tabasco. 

Cultural Report – Chontal de Oaxaca

Population: approximately 4,465 individuals (INEGI 2020)

Territory: Sierra Madre del Sur, Yautepec, Tehuantepec, and coastal municipalities of southern Oaxaca

Language: Chontal de Oaxaca (Tequistlateco family) with three endangered variants: Highland, Lowland, and Coastal

Main Symbols: maize, rain, mountains, sacred rivers, weaving, and the continuity of the natural cycle

The Chontal de Oaxaca, self-named Slijuala xanuc’—“inhabitants of the mountains”—are among the most ancient and resilient Indigenous peoples of southern Mexico. Their territory extends from the humid coastal plains of the Pacific Ocean to the misty heights of the Sierra Madre del Sur, encompassing a bioregion of extraordinary ecological diversity. Archaeological and linguistic evidence indicates that their ancestors have lived in this region for several millennia, cultivating a profound relationship with the mountain, forest, and sea. Their culture reflects a philosophy of ecological interdependence and sacred reciprocity, where the land is not a possession but a living relative.

The Chontal worldview is woven around the dual forces of fertility and renewal. Rain, sun, and mountain spirits are invoked through rituals that seek harmony between the human and the natural. Their myths tell of creation emerging from wind and smoke, where the first beings shaped the earth through songs and offerings. The deities of rain and fire remain central figures, representing both the nurturing and destructive powers of nature. Catholic saints introduced during colonization were absorbed into this cosmology, producing a rich syncretism where the Virgin and Christ coexist with ancient mountain and water spirits. Ceremonies such as the blessing of seeds, rain petitions, and patron saint festivals mark the agricultural and spiritual calendar, blending prayer, dance, and offerings to ensure fertility and balance.

Material culture reveals their deep ecological adaptation. Houses are built from local materials—wood, palm, bamboo, adobe—designed to breathe with the humid and warm climate. Their traditional clothing and textiles, woven with palm fibers or cotton, are dyed with natural pigments extracted from plants and earth. Tools for agriculture and fishing are crafted from local resources, reflecting sustainable practices honed through generations. The milpa system, a cornerstone of their subsistence, integrates maize, beans, squash, and medicinal herbs in rotational plots that preserve soil fertility and biodiversity. Fruits such as mango, mamey, banana, guava, and avocado enrich family orchards, while agave cultivation provides mezcal, a beverage of ceremonial and economic importance.

Intangible heritage forms the heart of Chontal identity. Their language—classified within the Tequistlateco family—is an endangered linguistic treasure containing unique ecological vocabularies that describe the subtle qualities of rain, soil, and plant life. Oral narratives transmit ancestral wisdom about seasonal cycles, forest spirits, and moral teachings on respect for nature. Music and dance accompany nearly all communal events, from harvest rituals to religious festivities. Songs evoke gratitude to the earth and to the mountains that shelter their villages. Through this living oral tradition, the Chontal transmit an ecological ethics that centers on reciprocity and restraint—take only what the land offers and return through gratitude and ceremony.

Bioregionally, the Chontal territory bridges coastal tropical ecosystems with montane cloud forests, forming one of Mexico’s richest ecological mosaics. The coastal zones are marked by mangroves, tropical dry forests, and estuarine wetlands that nurture fish, crustaceans, and migratory birds. Higher elevations host evergreen forests of oak, pine, and liquidambar, interlaced with orchids, bromeliads, and medicinal herbs. The fauna includes white-tailed deer, peccary, armadillo, iguanas, and countless bird species—each seen as carriers of sacred energy. Rivers flowing from the mountains sustain the coastal ecosystems and embody living deities within Chontal cosmology. Herbal medicine remains an integral part of daily life: hierba santa for inflammation, árnica for bruises, epazote for digestion, copal for purification, and palo mulato bark for respiratory ailments. Traditional healers, often women, serve as keepers of this botanical intelligence, linking health with cosmic and ecological balance.

Today, the Chontal de Oaxaca continue to face linguistic and cultural threats due to migration, modernization, and the pressures of economic marginalization. Yet many communities maintain rituals, agricultural practices, and a collective identity rooted in ancestral wisdom. Projects led by the Instituto Nacional de los Pueblos Indígenas (INPI) and regional organizations are working to revitalize the language and promote biocultural conservation. The Chontal represent not only a living culture but an enduring philosophy—one that teaches that the survival of humanity depends on the reciprocity between mountain, forest, and sea.

Bibliography (APA Style)

Instituto Nacional de los Pueblos Indígenas. (n.d.). Chontales de Oaxaca – Etnografía. Atlas de los Pueblos Indígenas de México. https://atlas.inpi.gob.mx/chontales-de-oaxaca-etnografia/

Instituto Nacional de los Pueblos Indígenas. (n.d.). Lengua – Chontales de Oaxaca. Atlas de los Pueblos Indígenas de México. https://atlas.inpi.gob.mx/chontales-de-oaxaca-lengua/

Arqueología Mexicana. (n.d.). Chontales de Oaxaca. Lenguas indígenas; peligros de extinción. https://arqueologiamexicana.mx/lenguas-indigenas/chontales-de-oaxaca

PueblosIndígenas.es. (n.d.). Chontales de Oaxaca: Vestimenta, lengua, ubicación y gastronomía. https://pueblosindigenas.es/de-mexico/chontales-de-oaxaca/

Cochimí Culture – Baja California, Mexico

Population: Estimated at several thousand before European contact; culturally extinct today, though descendants remain in central Baja California.

Territory: Central Baja California Peninsula, spanning from the Pacific Ocean to the Gulf of California.

Language: Cochimí (Yuman family; now extinct).

Main Symbols: The sun, the desert bighorn sheep, the cardón cactus, and sea turtles.

Bioregion: Baja California Desert – characterized by volcanic ranges, arid basins, and coastal ecosystems shaped by the Pacific Ocean and the Gulf of California.

Notable Heritage Site: Sierra de San Francisco Rock Paintings (UNESCO World Heritage Site).The Cochimí people once inhabited the vast central deserts and coastal zones of Baja California, Mexico, a territory stretching from the Pacific Ocean to the Gulf of California. Their presence in the peninsula dates back more than ten thousand years, representing one of the oldest known cultural continuities in the region. By the time of European contact in the sixteenth century, the Cochimí had already developed a sophisticated understanding of the harsh ecosystems that sustained them. They were a nomadic people who moved according to the rhythm of the desert and the sea, living in small family bands that traveled seasonally in search of water, edible plants, and game. Their adaptation to an environment of extreme scarcity revealed an intelligence of balance rather than domination—a philosophy that continues to inspire the understanding of bioregional living today.

The Cochimí worldview was deeply cosmological. The sun, ever-present in the desert sky, was the heart of their spiritual life, symbolizing both endurance and transformation. They viewed the world as animated by invisible forces, where each element of nature—stone, wind, plant, and animal—was inhabited by a vital essence. Ritual specialists, often referred to as guamas, served as intermediaries between human communities and the spirit world, performing ceremonies to bring rain, heal sickness, and restore harmony. Their myths spoke of creation emerging from water and darkness, and their songs—intoned under the open sky—were seen as bridges between the human voice and the cosmic order. This sacred relationship with the landscape found its most enduring expression in their rock art: monumental cave paintings of human and animal figures in red, black, and ochre pigments that adorn the cliffs of the Sierra de San Francisco. These murals, now recognized by UNESCO as a World Heritage treasure, stand as the visual testimony of an ancient dialogue between humans and the forces of nature.

The material culture of the Cochimí reflected their capacity to transform limited resources into tools of survival and meaning. Their dwellings were simple brush shelters made from branches, palm leaves, and agave fibers—structures designed to disappear and reappear with the seasons. They crafted tools and ornaments from shells, bones, obsidian, and desert stones, each object made with precision for daily and ceremonial use. Fishing was vital along the gulf coast, where the Cochimí navigated shallow waters in reed rafts to harvest fish, shellfish, and sea turtles. Inland, they hunted desert bighorn sheep, pronghorn, and small mammals, supplementing their diet with cactus fruits, mesquite pods, and seeds ground on stone mortars. Their most celebrated seasonal ritual was the “pitahaya festival,” marking the fruiting of the giant cactus, which provided nourishment and symbolized the generosity of the desert.

The intangible heritage of the Cochimí survives in the echoes of their stories and in the ecological ethics embedded within them. They believed that to take from nature was to enter into a contract of reciprocity, and many of their oral tales warned against greed or waste. Their language, belonging to the Yuman family, carried complex vocabularies for describing desert phenomena—the stages of flowering plants, the quality of winds, and the subtle changes in water sources. Though the language is now considered extinct, its structure reveals a worldview in which verbs of movement, transformation, and relation were central, emphasizing that existence itself was a process of becoming.

Ecologically, the Cochimí lived within what bioregional science identifies as the Baja California Desert bioregion—a realm of volcanic mountains, salt flats, and coastal dunes shaped by the interplay of the Pacific and the Sea of Cortez. Rainfall was rare, but life thrived in intricate webs of adaptation. Towering cardón cacti, the tallest cactus species on Earth, formed the pillars of the desert, storing water and providing shelter for countless birds and insects. The elephant tree, with its swollen trunk and aromatic resin, embodied the mystery of endurance. Mesquite and palo verde offered shade and wood, while the ocotillo, bursting with red blossoms after rain, was both a herald of renewal and a sacred plant in local medicine. Cochimí healers mastered a profound herbal knowledge: the gobernadora or creosote bush was used to reduce fever and inflammation, biznaga cactus pulp for hydration, and agave sap for healing wounds. Desert sage and copal resin served as purifying incense in ritual fires, connecting body, spirit, and landscape in cycles of renewal.

The fauna of Cochimí lands was equally sacred. The desert bighorn sheep, admired for its strength and agility, was seen as a guardian spirit of the mountains. The pronghorn antelope represented speed and vision, while the coyote was a trickster figure, teacher, and messenger. Along the coast, sea turtles were revered as the embodiment of the sea’s wisdom, moving between worlds of land and water. The Cochimí perceived animals not as resources but as relatives participating in the same web of life. This ecological kinship formed the ethical foundation of their cosmology: to live was to honor the mutual obligations among beings that share the desert and the sea.

Today, the Cochimí as a distinct cultural group no longer exist in the sociopolitical sense, yet their legacy endures through archaeology, language studies, and the living descendants of mixed Cochimí ancestry found among rancher families of central Baja California. The Instituto Nacional de los Pueblos Indígenas (INPI) lists the Cochimí among the extinct or nearly extinct Indigenous groups of Mexico, yet their influence persists in the collective memory of the region. The vast rock art sites, the botanical wisdom of desert healers, and the ethical framework of reciprocity with the land all remain living archives of Cochimí intelligence—reminders that human cultures can thrive not by conquering their environment but by listening to it.

The Cochimí thus represent not merely an ancient people of the desert but an enduring philosophy of relationship: between sun and soil, between endurance and fragility, and between human memory and the vast bioregional forces that shaped it.

Bibliography

Aschmann, H. (1959). The Central Desert of Baja California: Demography and Ecology. Ibero-Americana 42. University of California Press.

Laylander, D. (1997). The Cochimí: Mission Indians of Baja California. Pacific Coast Archaeological Society Quarterly, 33(4), 15–33.

Gutiérrez, R. (2015). Cultural Adaptation in the Baja California Desert. Journal of Baja Studies, 8(2), 45–59.

UNESCO. (1993). Rock Paintings of the Sierra de San Francisco. World Heritage List.

Instituto Nacional de los Pueblos Indígenas (INPI). (2020). Catálogo de Pueblos y Comunidades Indígenas de México.

Descargar PDF en: https://web.archive.org/web/20110913211408/http://www.bicentenario.gob.mx/bdb/bdbpdf/LasMujeres.pdf

Presentación

Dos mil mujeres llenan espacios con sus biografías en las páginas del Diccionario Histórico y Biográfico de la Revolución Mexicana, donde se recopilan los acontecimientos y luchas de la gesta revolucionaria iniciada en 1910 y de quienes en ella fueron
protagonistas.

La vida y actuación de éstas dos mil mujeres, o quizá más de este número ya de por sí importante, se desarrolló en los ámbitos más variados, en una totalidad comprendida entre los últimos años del siglo XIX, las dos primeras décadas del siglo XX y aún después,
en el caso de las sobrevivientes que continuaron luchando por la causa en los terrenos ideológico, educativo, político y cultural.
Desde 1887 actuaron como revolucionarias y patriotas en forma tal, que sin saberlo, sus vidas quedaron inscritas en las páginas de la historia.

La escritora Laureana Wright de Kleinhans, mexicana nacida en Taxco, Guerrero, fue una visionaria de lo que ocurriría años después en el país. Las diferencias sociales existentes le motivaron a hacer pública su protesta, al escribir acerca de la demanda del sufragio para la mujer y la igualdad de oportunidades para ambos sexos en Violetas de
Anáhuac, primera revista feminista de México, fundada y dirigida por ella hacia 1884.

Juana Belén Gutiérrez de Mendoza, a través de la revista Vespa; defendía a los mineros y combatía a la que lanzó una proclama dictadura de Porfirio Díaz; por su parte, Guadalupe Rojo Muda de Alvarado asumía la dirección de Juan Panadero, periódico
fundado por su esposo en la ciudad de Guadalajara, Jalisco, en 1899, y que más tarde se publicaría en la ciudad de México. Emilia Enríquez de Rivera, en El Hogar, y Julia Sánchez, en El Látigo Justiciero, lanzaban violentas críticas a la oligarquía.

Al morir Francisco I. Madero, como consecuencia de la traición de Victoriano Huerta, se organizaron los ejércitos reivindicadores. En 1914, Manuela de la Garza de Jackson no sólo se limitó a escribir algunas líneas de protesta sino a favor de Madero, Venustiano Carranza y Francisco Villa.

Pero no sólo las periodistas e intelectuales tomaron la causa de la Revolución. Las obreras de diferentes ramas de la producción también empezaron a organizarse para la defensa de sus condiciones de trabajo. En 1907, cuando los trabajadores de la fábrica de Río Blanco, en Orizaba, Veracruz, se disponían a reanudar sus labores después de una huelga infructuosa, un grupo de mujeres decidió impedirlo, entre ellas Isabel Díaz de
Pensamiento, Anselma Sierra, Carmen Cruz, Margarita y Guadalupe Martínez y Lucrecia O. Toriz, quien se enfrentó, enarbolando una bandera revolucionaria, a los empleados de la
empresa que les dispararon, sobreviniendo la violencia. Ella fue la primera luchadora social sacrificada por quienes no comprendieron la necesidad de un cambio en las
condiciones de franca injusticia social prevaleciente.
La situación de desequilibrio social, fomentada por el porfiriato, había sido ya analizada y combatida por los anarcosindicalistas Ricardo Flores Magón, Librado Rivera y Juan Sarabia, en su carácter de precursores del movimiento revolucionario.

Posteriormente Francisco I. Madero, ideólogo por excelencia, se convertiría en 1908 en defensor a ultranza de la democracia y de la justicia social.

El número de mujeres combatientes en los frentes de batalla, no sólo fue importante por el hecho de haber sido ellas quienes empuñaron las armas, sino porque estuvieron al frente de batallones de soldados y guerrilleros, en cuyas acciones bélicas lograron denotar, hasta el exterminio, al Ejército Federal, primero de Porfirio Díaz y después de Victoriano Huerta.

Papel no menos relevante fue el de las agentes confidenciales que exponiendo sus vidas entregaban mensajes secretos de los altos jefes militares, así como el de las enfermeras militares y las voluntarias que perdieron la vida en combates o en los hospitales
derruidos por las tropas federales.

No podían faltar en esta publicación, dedicada a Las mujeres en la Revolución Mexicana, las imprescindibles soldaderas, mujeres que al lado de los caudillos o de sus hombres realizaban en los campos de batalla actividades indispensables para la
sobrevivencia de los ejércitos y sus seguidores; ni tampoco las mujeres precursoras del feminismo en México, las socialistas de Yucatán y las sufragistas que lucharon por los derechos políticos: de votar y ser votadas en las justas electorales.

Por último, esta publicación hace un merecido reconocimiento a todas aquellas mujeres que en el año de 1919 integraron el Consejo Feminista Mexicano, en su carácter de antecesoras indiscutibles de quienes, desde hace cuatro décadas, se ocupan del quehacer legislativo en los niveles estatal y federal del país.
Con la elaboración de esta obra, ejemplo sintetizado de la participación de la mujer en la Revolución Mexicana, el Instituto Nacional de Estudios Históricos de la Revolución Mexicana de la Secretaría de Gobernación, espera acudir al llamado que hiciera la LU Legislatura de la H. Cámara de Diputados, a través de su Instituto de Investigaciones Legislativas, para participar en los trabajos del Encuentro Nacional de Mujeres Legisladoras que habrá de celebrarse en Ixtapan de la Sal, Estado de México, los días 16, 17 y 18 de octubre del año en curso.

DRA. GUADALUPE RIVERA MARÍN Focal Ejecutiva